BC Politics with Hubert Beyer

Archives of British Columbia's most well read Political Columnist

 

 

 

Hubert Beyer, Biography

Hubert Beyer was widely known as one of Canada's most read journalists. His columns were published regularly in most BC Community Newspapers, and his perspective sought on the Federal level as well as by NORAD in the US, Beyer lived up to his reputation as the "Fairest of them All."

Born in a small village in West Germany, Beyer immigrated to Canada in his 20s where he married and had 4 children.

A German Language publication in Winnipeg was Beyer's first foray into writing in Canada, it was soon followed with work at the Winnipeg Free Press as a Reporter covering many different beats. more

Click to read the Eulogy for Hubert Beyer

Top Search: Forestry

Find out what Beyer had to say about Forestry in BC through the years. With the forestry industry supporting a large segment of employment and opportunity in British Columbia, it's no surprise that it's a top search.

Top Search: Elections

Election are always a hot topicAnytime the faintest hint of a provincial or federal election announcement draws near, the search for quotes and history on past British Columbia elections starts to climb.

Top Search: Budget Release

When is the Budget not a hot searchProvincial Bugets are introduced with fanfare and fraught with talk from pundits, experts and critics. Take a few minutes to see how BC Budgets of the past were often projections of the future. 

FISH FARM REPORT PLEASES NOBODY

VICTORIA In the next few months, you will be able to watch the Glen Clark government doing the biologically impossible – trying to be a little bit pregnant.

The compromise solution for the future of British Columbia’s fish farming industry, as envisioned by province’s environmental assessment office, will please no-one.

Basically, the 1,800-page study, prepared by the environmental assessment office over the past couple of years, recommends that the fish farming industry be allowed to expand, but not too fast.

In the words of Sheila Wynn, the assessment office’s deputy minister, "we are recommending that the government give a yellow light to salmon farming in B.C., in other words: proceed with caution."

Begging your pardon, but there’s something wrong with this picture. If after two years of study, resulting in an 1,800-page report, the environmental assessment office can’t recommend that the industry be given a green light, one must conclude that there are potential problems associated with fish farming.

The David Suzuki Foundation is adamant that fish farming is, indeed, a dangerous business. In anticipation of an expansion of the salmon farming industry, the eminent scientist’s foundation ran full-page newspaper ads, detailing the dangers.

The foundation warns that powerful antibiotics used by the industry to control fish diseases that easily develop in the crowded conditions of fish farms, pose an extreme hazard to wild salmon stocks.

The report recommends that fish farms post details of the drugs they use, but that won’t satisfy the critics.

Another problem, Suzuki says, is that the effluent from the fish farms, equivalent to that of a city of half a million, is released into the ocean, because the fish pens are not sealed, but separated from the open ocean by wire mesh.

Critics of the fish farming industry point to Norway’s experience as a powerful example of the dangers involved in salmon farming.

A few years ago, imported Atlantic salmon smolts infected that country’s wild stock with deadly epidemic diseases, and Norwegian sea farmers were forced to slaughter their stock. The Norwegian taxpayers footed the bill to the tune of $100 million.

Okay, that’s Norway. Won’t happen here, you say. Fish farms must to report escapes to Fisheries and Oceans, and according to these reports, from 1991 to 1995, 141,887 Atlantic salmon escaped from British Columbia marine aquaculture facilities. The true number is believed to have been higher.

In addition to these escapes, 400,000 fry were accidentally spilled in 1996 during transfer into lake net pens in Georgia Lake on northern Vancouver Island.

Since 1987, more than 9,000 Atlantic salmon have been caught by fishers in the coastal waters of British Columbia, Washington and Alaska. A further 188 were caught in British Columbia rivers and streams. Most catches occurred in the Johnston Strait area, where there is the highest concentration of fish farms.

And there’s the reason why the environmental assessment office didn’t give the industry its unqualified support. No matter how much the industry downplays the dangers, there are potential hazards, and like anyone else, the environmental assessment office’s folks want to cover their derriere, just in case something goes terribly wrong.

So, the ball is now in the government’s park. On the one hand, the dwindling wild salmon stocks are the best reason to let the fish farm industry expand. On the other hand, the potential dangers prevent the government from giving the green light to massive expansion of the industry.

The result will be a balancing act that will please neither the industry nor the critics. There will be modest expansion, but stricter regulations. Talk about being a little bit pregnant.

TIME TO TALK ABOUT GLOBALIZATION

VICTORIA Where is Premier Glen Clark while the Brave New World of FTA, NAFTA and soon MAI are undermining Canada’s standard of living and threatening provincial and national autonomy?

While Clark has been hammering the Americans in the fish war, with the deserved support from most British Columbians, a far greater danger is looming.

Hailed as the way to a prosperous future, the free trade agreements and the proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment are doing little more than transform the world, and Canada with it, into a giant pool of cheap labor to be used at their whim by ever-more powerful and richer multinational companies.

If this sounds like the rant of an unrepentant trade unionist, which I am, and a Luddite, which I am not, consider some of the facts.

Chrysler Canada recently announced that by the year 200 it plans to manufacture its popular minivan in Mexico, resulting in the loss of several thousand jobs in Eastern Canada.

Why would Chrysler move it manufacturing facilities to Mexico? Because of the cheaper labor costs. Those labor costs are cheaper because Mexican workers are usually glad to have any job at all, regardless of working conditions which are not only unacceptable by Canadian standards but often inhuman.

Two Mexican workers came to Ottawa a week ago to talk about the plight of their fellow workers.

Salvador Bravo used to make Jaguar gear shifts for Custom Trim, a Canadian factory in Olvera Puente, Mexico, ripping apart leather and dipping his bare hands in varnish. His salary: 71 cents an hour. Bravo and 27 of his co-workers were fired for demanding better conditions and higher wages.

By comparison, workers performing similar tasks at Custom Trim in Ontario earn $12 an hour, not exactly a princely wage either, and they have superior safety equipment.

So, rather than bringing Mexican workers closer to an acceptable wage level and giving them better safety equipment, they fired them. Knowing a good thing when it sees one, Chrysler, is now moving the manufacturing facilities for one of its most successful products to Mexico for the same reason: save money through exploitation.

Sad to say, I bought one of the minivans before Chrysler announced that it would no longer build them in Canada. Failing a reversal of Chrysler’s plans, it will be the last one I bought.

Ever since Canada signed the first Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and, subsequently the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which includes Mexico, Ontario lost more than 20 per cent of its manufacturing jobs.

I wonder whether former prime Minister Brian Mulroney had any idea of what he was doing when he flogged the agreement as if it were the greatest thing since sliced bread? For that matter, I wonder whether we would have elected Mulroney had we known what was in store.

If the proposed Multilateral Agreement on Investment is ratified by Canada, we’ll be in for an even greater shock.

Negotiations involving the MAI have been going on in relative secrecy for nearly two years. Aside from Canada, 29 other countries are part of the negotiations. Ratification of the agreement has now been postponed until next year.

If and when it comes into force, multinational corporations will be able to move their money without regard to local laws. Governments would not be allowed to attach conditions, such as the creation of local jobs, to any investment.

That would, for instance, mean the premier’s much-touted Jobs and Timber Accord will go into the dumpster. Clark knows that, and that’s why I cannot understand that he’s so quiet on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment issue.

Clark should be shouting about this proposed agreement at the same decibel level he has been reserving for the fish war. And instead of waxing boastful of creating jobs, he should be warning British Columbians that whatever jobs they now have may well be in jeopardy in this game called global economy.

UNITY PANEL DRAWS MIXED REACTION

VICTORIA It’s a pity politicians have such difficulty climbing out of the morass of cheap politics. No sooner had Premier Glen Clark appointed a 22-member unity panel to hear the views of British Columbians on how to tackle the question of Canadian unity, than Liberal opposition leader Gordon Campbell started attacking the process.

The process lacked leadership, Campbell said. It was too much like the Charlottetown approach, he said.

I don’t know how he comes to that conclusion. The Charlottetown Accord was hammered out by the first ministers behind closed doors. Canadians objected more to the secrecy than they did to the actual accord and rejected the deal.

How much more open can a process be than sending 22 people on the road to find out at public hearings what British Colombians really want in terms of Canadian unity, putting up a website, and conduct province-wide polls? Whether the process leads to anything is another question, but don’t compare it to the Charlottetown Accord, for Pete’s sake.

The road show gang comprises 22 people with varying degrees of qualifications and will be jointly chaired by forest executive Jake Kerr and Delta teacher Alice McQuaide. Ten citizen members and 10 federal and provincial politicians will serve on the panel.

Some of the panel members on the political side would seem to be eminently qualified. Liberal MP Ted McWhinney is considered a foremost constitutional expert. And provincial Alliance leader Gordon Wilson is no constitutional slouch either.

But Campbell said he doesn’t know yet whether he’ll fill the two spots reserved for provincial Liberals. He doesn’t like the mix of laymen and politicians.

"I’m not in favor of a combined political-public panel," the opposition leader said. "I think it’s very seldom where the public will tell a politician what to do when they’re in the same meeting."

That’s not only bad syntax but wrong thinking. The public loves to tell politicians what to do, especially when they’ve got them cornered in a room. Where has this man been?

I suspect that Campbell’s reluctance to get with the program is rooted deeply in political caution: if nothing comes of it or worse, if it backfires, his behind is covered. And just in case he wants to come on board after all, Campbell left the door ajar. He’ll discuss the matter with the chairmen of the committee. That’s some leadership from a guy who decries the lack of it in Clark.

Just what would Campbell have Clark do? The premier was at best lukewarm towards the idea of entering another round of constitutional talks, but when his first-minister colleagues at the recent Calgary meeting insisted, he had little choice but to play along.

Mind you, the premier doesn’t appear to believe that British Columbians are hot to trod along the path of constitutional change, but he said he is convinced that they recognize Quebec’s uniqueness.

"I hope there’s a very strong message to the people of Quebec that British Columbians feel passionately about their (Quebec’s) role in the federation."

The drive for renewed constitutional talks has been fuelled by the sceptre of another Quebec referendum, but if the latest polls are any indication, Quebec Premier Lucien Bouchard may well hold off on forcing another showdown.

A Globe and Mail poll last week showed that support for independence in Quebec has dwindled to about 45 per cent, still worrying, but a far cry from the near-death results of the 1995 referendum.

It would be dangerous, however, to let the issue of constitutional change die just because Quebec’s appetite for separation is waning. Indifferent adherence to the status quo has been the main fuel that fed separatist fires in the past, and it will do so again.

The panel appointed by the premier may not come up with the silver bullet that will take car of separatism, but it should be given a chance. And instead of playing political games, Campbell should appoint two of his caucus members to the panel immediately.

A CASE FOR YEAR-ROUND ELECTION CAMPGNS

VICTORIA I’ve never liked recall legislation, but it seems a lot of people do, particularly in the ridings of Skeena and Prince George, where some folks are trying mightily to end the political tenure, short and unpredictable as it is to begin with, of NDP MLAs Helmut Giesbrecht and Paul Ramsey respectively.

For all those friends of recall, I have an even better idea: why not do away with general elections altogether? We’ll have one last general election slugfest, and from then on, we’ll knock ‘em off as we see fit. Recall the rascals one by one if we don’t like what they’re doing, which is most of the time.

Think of it as democracy carried to new and dizzying heights. No longer could a party sneak into office because the other side split the vote. No politician would ever be able to feel safe again, not even for the three of four years it now takes between elections. Nor would they have time for the shenanigans the majority of the public feels they’re always up to.

Just fighting off the never-ending recall attempts would keep politicians busy round he clock. Political arrogance would be a thing of the past. And there would be other benefits:

The taxpayers would save a lot of money because we’d make the malcontents who get such a thrill out of recalling politicians pay for it. And we’d have elections year-round which would make political junkies like me delirious with joy. The scheme would beat cable TV six ways to breakfast for sheer entertainment value.

All right, maybe it’s not such a good idea, but then, neither is recall. Originally intended to give voters an opportunity to unseat, between elections, a politician for grave misconduct, the legislation is actually being used to fight the last election over again.

Not that those involved in trying to kick Giesbrecht and Ramsey out of office would admit to partisan reasons. Lorne Sexton, the chairman of the committee to topple Giesbrecht, admits he has always hated the NDP, but claims that the recall campaign is based on the MLA’s poor performance.

I suppose performance is in the eyes of the beholder, but I do know that Giebrecht was working his butt off on he Skeena Cellulose bailout. And his supporters will tell you that he’s one of the hardest-working MLAs they’ve ever had in Victoria, something that’s hard if not impossible to admit for sworn enemies of the NDP.

Also involved in the campaign to unseat Ramsey s the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, whose leader, Troy Lanigan, insists that recall is a tool of accountability.

Recalling an MLA in this province was facilitated under the Recall and Initiative Act, passed in 1995 by the NDP government under Mike Harcourt, who had promised during an election campaign to bring in the appropriate legislation.

The promise was based in naked political expediency. Both the Reform Party and the Liberals had built recall in their election platforms, and Harcourt felt he had no choice but to follow suit.

The legislation the Harcourt government produced was actually a joke, making it improbable to succeed in recalling an ML. Under the legislation, an MLA can be recalled after 18 months if 40 per cent of the eligible voters in a riding sign a petition to that effect. Improbable but maybe not quite impossible

In Ramsey’s case, the recall committee had 60 days to collect about 8,900 votes, 40 per cent of the eligible vote in the riding. Alfredo Lavaggi, who started the campaign to oust the education minister, says he’s got about 160 volunteers, which means each volunteer has to collect about 54 signatures by November 28. Again, improbably, but not impossible.

Given the volatile mood of voters these days, it’s quite conceivable that the committees collect enough signatures to recall the two MLAs, forcing two byelections. The outcome of those byelections could, in turn, bring down the government, which has only a slim three-seat majority.

Now, I wouldn’t want to spoil their fun if the committees actually succeeded in bringing down Giesbrecht and Ramsey and subsequently the government, but there’s a tiny fly in the ointment: whatever party gets in next time, will face the same music from its opponents.

Maybe my idea of scrapping general elections in favor of year-round recall isn’t hat far-fetched after all.

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