WILDLIFE FEDERATION JOINS STEIN BATTLE
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VICTORIA -- The B.C. Wildlife Federation has joined the battle over the Stein Valley, and the opening volley of the powerful conservationist organization doesn't bode well for the pro-logging forces.
Before you skip the rest of this column because you don't live anywhere near the Stein Valley, northwest of Lytton, let me caution you: the battle over the future of this valley is shaping up as a decisive one on the environmental front. The outcome will have dramatic bearings on future confrontations between conservationists and advocates of multiple use of our forests.
The organization was drawn into the dispute by one member of the executive without the board of directors' explicit support, but for better or worse, the B.C. Wildlife Federation with its 170 plus affiliated clubs, comprising more than 38,000 members, is in it for keeps.
In a widely--distributed letter, Eugene Rogers, chairman of the federation's forestry committee, accused the pro-logging forces of contaminating the debate over the future of the Stein Valley with "misinformation, downright lies and fear-mongering."
Along with the scathing letter, Rogers sent out a six-page "critique" of "Share the Stein," a slick and colorful tabloid publication, issued last spring by the pro-logging interests to sway public opinion in favor of logging the mid-Stein Valley, while preserving the Lower and Upper Stein as wilderness areas.
A sentence on the front page of the publication said it was "produced by the Share the Stein Committee, representing the people of Lytton, Boston Bar, Lillooet and Hope, who support multiple use of the Stein," but the effort bore the unmistakable imprint of Pat
Armstrong, who was hired by the pro-logging coalition to lead the fight against the environmentalist groups. Armstrong works out of the B.C. Forest Products offices in Vancouver.
The demolition job on the "Share the Stein" publication was not authored by the B.C. Wildlife Federation. That honor goes to Trevor Jones, a consulting engineer retained by the Save the Stein Coalition, but the mere fact that it was distributed by a wildlife federation executive member, under the organization's letterhead, gives it the federation's tacit approval.
Jones' response to statements in the publication is devastating. Point for point, he contradicts what he calls "misinformation." Share the Stein, for instance, referred to the valley as "rugged and inaccessible." Jones says it's accessible at several locations, from which 2,000 people, "including elderly, blind, and small children" hiked to a number of festivals held in the valley last year.
Share the Stein said the valley would provide forestry-related jobs for 30 years. Jones said logging the valley would provide jobs for four to eight years.
Share the Stein said 91 per cent of the valley's total area would be left untouched. Jones said that logging roads would destroy nearly 100 per cent of the valley's non-alpine areas. Share the Stein quoted the IWA's Jack Munro as saying, "we can't have every valley in this damn province as someone's personal refuge." Jones said the Stein is the only major unlogged river valley among the thousands in southwestern B.C.
At this point, the question is not so much who is right, the environmentalists or the logging advocates? My gut instinct tells me that both are doing everything they can to get public opinion on their side. And neither side is above confusing the issue a little if it's to their advantage.
The important question is who will gain the upper hand in this battle? And the answer to that depends on which side succeeds in getting public opinion behind it.
With the albeit reluctant entry into the war of the B.C. Wildlife Federation, the environmentalists have won an important skirmish.
The federation is one of the most respected environmentalist organizations. Its views cannot and will not be ignored, and Rogers' views on the issue have now become the federation's. As a federation official told me, "the words have been spoken. They are out there and can't be taken back."
But the war isn't over yet. Both sides will continue to fight it out with every weapon at their disposal. Both sides will, at times, insult our intelligence.
I still believe that the mid Stein Valley should be and will be logged. Hard as I may try, I cannot subscribe to the view that the removal of trees constitutes environmental rape, not if it's done properly.
Left to her own devices, nature would burn down the whole valley sometime in the next few hundred years. And she would not go about it selectively. She would burn down every damn tree. And then she would grow new ones. That's the way it was before man began to manage the forests. I see nothing wrong with man beating nature to it.
WALLS DO NOT A PRISON MAKE
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VICTORIA -- Years ago, when I covered the city hall beat for the Winnipeg Free Press, then mayor Stephen Juba commented on the deplorable conditions of jails and penitentiaries in Manitoba. If people didn't like the accommodation, he said, they should make sure not to check in.
It was a comment that reflected public opinion at the time. Bad enough that criminals were being fed, clothed and housed at public expense. Maybe they'll think twice about breaking the law next time if they know conditions in prison make Dante's Inferno look like a playground.
You still think that way? Well, you're not alone, but there are fewer of you than there were 25 years ago. Enlightenment has made some progress. Today's society is more humane than that of the mid-sixties.
As we approach the end of the second millennium, we have a somewhat different view of what a just society should be. There is a growing realization that all the lofty ideals to which we profess don't amount to a row of beans, unless we treat the least among us -- and that includes those who run afoul of our laws -- with compassion and empathy.
True, it isn't always easy to chose compassion over revenge. In the face of particularly horrible crimes, the urge for vengeance becomes almost unbearable. In other words, it is difficult not to want Clifford Olson's neck stretched with a rope.
So far, our legislators have resisted the temptation to give in to the intermittent public demands for reinstatement of the death penalty, another manifestation of our gradual evolution from a primitively blood-thirsty society which responded to violence with violence of its own, to a more compassionate society.
This evolution has also affected the way we treat our prisoners. In keeping with Stephen Juba's line of argument that people knew what the accommodation was like before they checked themselves in by committing a crime, we used to have no misgivings locking them up in terrible and inhuman surroundings.
The prisons we build today are a far cry from those nightmarish places of yesteryear. One such prison is now under construction near Kamloops. When completed this fall, the Kamloops Regional Correctional Centre will be the most modern prison in North America.
The concept behind the design incorporates two vital factors -- the need for protection of the public and the right of prisoner to live in decent surroundings. The 125,000 square-foot complex provides maximum security while, at the same time, offering inmates a comfortable and livable environment.
The most obvious departure from the old-style prisons is the introduction of a living-unit concept. Rather than housing inmates in rows and rows of cells, the new facility will accommodate its 160 prisoners in groups of 12. Each group will occupy a separate living unit with its own showers, eating area, outdoor recreation courtyard and TV room.
Correctional experts say this arrangement makes it easier for staff to work with inmates and not only head off potential trouble but go a long way towards rehabilitation of prisoners.
The prison's exterior will also belie its function. Instead of the dark, forbidding stone walls of old, this complex will have a tan-colored stucco exterior and blue aluminum roof-cladding. It will, for all the world, look more like a community centre than a prison.
The grounds will contain a large playing field, a greenhouse and a garden area. All outdoor areas to which inmates have access will be enclosed by a 17-foot high wire-mesh fence. Security within the prison will be provided by the most up-to-date electronic system which enables staff to track inmates wherever they go within the complex.
The hardware and software of the electronic surveillance system is built by Honeywell Ltd. Doug Wall, a Honeywell official, says the system will put B.C. lightyears ahead of other jurisdictions.
On the other hand, it is the electronic security system which has some people worried. Bert Messiah, regional director of the John Howard Society, says that the electronic wizardry of the system will probably result in staff reductions, further threatening whatever rehabilitation programs are in place.
"It will probably look wonderful and work very well, but I have a reluctance to believe that computers have the ability to rehabilitate prisoners," Messiah says.
While admitting that the new prison will offer a more humane environment for inmates, Messiah is worried that security and public safety seem to be the only consideration in the administration of our penal system. Both, he says, are necessary, but so is rehabilitation.
"No matter how securely and for how long we lock up the inmates, we'll have to let them out eventually. The only hope to keep them out of prison is a good rehabilitation program," Messiah says.
SHAKE-UP IN PREMIER'S OFFICE
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VICTORIA -- The following quotes, I believe, give a fairly accurate picture of the political turmoil, swirling around Premier Vander Zalm and his Social Credit government.
"I'm tempted to say that political science can no longer explain this government. We've done all we can do, and now it's up to the psychology department." -- "Terry Morley, professor of political science, University of Victoria.
"It is a little like watching your mother-in-law driving your new Cadillac over the cliff." -- Stanley Rowe, owner of the Sundance Guest Ranch in Ashcroft, member of the Social Credit Party since the 1930s and member of the Premier's Circle.
"This government doesn't seem to have an agenda. It has peed away its goodwill." -- Oksana Exell, director of provincial affairs for the Canadian Federation of Independent Business.
"It's a real circus and it's one that has to stop ... he (the premier) will have to start to run the province." -- Grace McCarthy, who resigned recently after having been a cabinet minister in every Socred administration since 1969.
It just doesn't seem to get any better for the premier. Every morning, I tell myself yesterday was the day Vander Zalm's political condition reached rock bottom. Today he'll begin the slow process of recovery. Next thing I know, there are further complications and his condition is worse.
But wait, there may be hope yet. Last week, in response to growing pressure from his caucus and party officials, the premier announced a number of changes in the administration of his office.
David Poole, the major target of internal dissatisfaction, had his wings clipped. He will remain as the premier's principal secretary, but Frank Rhodes, until now deputy finance minister, will take over Poole's past role as deputy minister to the premier.
Bill Bachop's tenure as the premier's press secretary was terminated. He'll go to the finance ministry as director of information.
Eric Denhoff, who was appointed guru of communications in the premier's office only two weeks earlier, will go back to his former job as assistant deputy minister responsible for native affairs.
Bob Ransford, who was executive assistant to Poole, is leaving for the private sector.
The premier said he believes these changes will address the concerns voiced in recent months by his caucus and by a lot of party faithful. They had better, because the premier was and still is in a spot of trouble.
The damage done by the resignations of Grace McCarthy and Brian Smith was serious, and the premier's response made matters worse. Instead of saying, "sorry to see them go, no further comment, I got work to do, thank you," he started boy, nitpicking at the reasons the two gave for resigning, providing the media with a daily smorgasbord of titillating political tidbits.
His handling of the RCMP investigation was no better. When his friend Peter Toigo spilled the beans about the influence-peddling investigation of himself and Vander Zalm in connection with the disposal of the former Expo site, the premier cruised about in his automobile, phoning open-line shows from his car phone to give his side of the story.
The premier obviously came very close to crossing the border line between accommodating a friend and influence-peddling. There would not have been an investigation if he hadn't. Yet, less than two weeks ago, when he obviously knew that he had been investigated, he still maintained there was nothing wrong with his and Toigo's role in the Expo land disposal. That's not the reaction of someone who learns from a mistake.
Then he made matters worse by saying the investigation was politically motivated, which is tantamount to saying that both the RCMP and deputy attorney general, Ted Hughes, took part in a plot to get Vander Zalm. That's a dangerous thing to say.
Hughes is one of the few remaining high-ranking public servants whose appointment was not a political one. His career, which includes 16 years on the bench as a judge in Saskatchewan, is about as distinguished as they come. To suggest he participated in a political plot to oust the premier could be very costly, if Hughes chose to take the matter to court.
It will take some time to determine whether the changes in the premier's office will ease the pressure on him. They undoubtedly addressed some of the concerns among his supporters, but there is still the matter of his style. The best changes will not achieve anything if the premier slides back into his one-man-band style of leadership.
LOOK OVER YOUR SHOULDER, PREMIER
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VICTORIA -- Premier Vander Zalm would be well advised to look over his shoulder from now on. Not only is his backbench every bit as strong as his cabinet, it is poised to speak out against him and put a stop to his one-man rule, real or imagined.
For as long as British Columbians can remember, their premiers have governed from positions of strength. W.A.C. Bennett, Dave Barrett and Bill Bennett all managed to put together fairly impressive cabinets without alienating those left out.
Choosing a cabinet is a difficult job at the best of times. Not only must a premier find the best people for the jobs, but old loyalties must be rewarded and geographical circumstances considered.
I'm sure it wasn't always easy, but Vander Zalm's three predecessors somehow managed to appoint good cabinets and have dedicated and loyal backbenches. All of which enabled them to stand united against the opposition.
That's not the case with Vander Zalm. He must now govern with a cabinet that is, in places, extremely weak while, at the same time, preparing for the inevitable attacks from the rear -- his own backbench. And what a backbench it is, at least a group of eight MLAs already dubbed the rat pack.
The two emerging as leaders of the pack are Grace McCarthy and Brian Smith, both of whom resigned recently, claiming the premier interfered with their duties.
You may doubt Smith's motives for resigning, but you should also remember that he wouldn't have dreamed of resigning when he served under Bill Bennett. If Smith has ambitions to become leader of the Socred Party, it's only because he perceives a fatal flaw in Vander Zalm's leadership.
McCarthy's motives are not to be doubted. She's too much of a fierce and dedicated Socred to place personal ambitions before the party's fortunes. Her resignation from cabinet should make ever Socred nervous.
Next on the rat pack bench is Stephen Rogers, MLA for Vancouver South, who was dropped from cabinet in the last shuffle. In Rogers' own words, the premier was no longer willing to tolerate his occasional criticism in caucus and cabinet. The premier, he said, demanded absolute loyalty. Rogers is a formidable enemy who, despite his occasional brushes with conflict of interest, was one of the most capable cabinet ministers and well-liked by the party.
On to Kim Campbell, lawyer, Bill Bennett loyalist and contestant at the Whistler leadership convention. It's generally agreed that if the delegates had based their choice on the candidates' speeches, she would have been the winner. The MLA for Vancouver-Point Grey first voiced criticism of the premier's leadership style during the abortion debate. Style without substance, she said at the time, was "a dangerous thing."
Next, meet Graham Bruce, who captured the long-time NDP stronghold of Cowichan-Malahat in the last election. Much of Bruce's popularity is due to his role in a forestry program that was aimed at putting thousands of people on Vancouver Island to work. The program, which enjoyed the backing of most Vancouver Island municipalities, has been largely abandoned by the government.
Bruce rejected an offer from the premier for a parliamentary secretary's position after the cabinet shuffle, stating the he and the premier didn't see eye-to-eye on how the government operates.
Dave Mercier, MLA for Burnaby-Edmonds, also turned down a parliamentary secretary's job, accusing the premier's office of not even having the smarts to ask him before appointing him.
Carol Gran, MLA for Langley and another member of the dissident group of backbenchers, was also overlooked by the premier at his own risk when he chose his new cabinet. She had been a strong caucus chairman, and another women in cabinet would certainly have been in order, but Gran, too, has been critical of the premier's one-man rule.
And last, but not least, there's Alex Fraser, the grand master of politics from the Cariboo. Fraser will probably not run again, but just last week, he said he "would do anything to get rid of Vander Zalm."
A group of people such as these, united in their opposition to the premier's leadership, can only spell trouble for Vander Zalm. Taken as a whole, this group is stronger and more convincing than the premier's cabinet.
On top of it all, Vander Zalm is facing a skilled opposition that feels so close to victory, it can smell it.
These considerations and others should go through the minds of Socred Party officials as they prepare for the October convention.
Dumping a sitting premier as party leader is a traumatic business, but more and more Socreds are convinced that the alternative is a crushing defeat in the next election.
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